1.25.2005
France and Russia link future hopes to history
By Katrin Bennhold
«International Herald Tribune»
Monday, January 24, 2005
MOSCOW When Foreign Minister Michel Barnier of France cut the tricolor ribbon on a new building for the French high school here last week, much was made of the historical and cultural ties between Russia and France.
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To the sound of the two national anthems, the 18th-century friendship between Catherine the Great and the French philosopher Denis Diderot, Russophile French writers like Alexandre Dumas and the tradition of French as the language of the elites in pre-revolution Russia were celebrated with generous doses of Champagne and nostalgia.
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Romantic reminiscence has long been an integral part of French-Russian relations. But according to Barnier, the two countries share not only history, but also a future: Moscow, he said in an interview Friday, is one of his foreign-policy priorities.
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"Look at the size of this country, which stretches from the heart of Europe to Asia, which has considerable natural resources and which plays an important role in regional and international affairs," he said. "It's no longer the Soviet Union, but it is still a global power."
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Consciousness of Russia's importance played a large part in the French - indeed, the European and American - reaction to the recent crisis in Ukraine, which ended Sunday with the inauguration of Viktor Yushchenko as president. Barnier will visit Yushchenko later this week, after the Ukrainian leader makes his first foreign trip - to Moscow, on Monday.
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"We want to tell the Ukrainians what I already told Poland last week: You have to respect Russia," he said. "We can't have tensions between Ukraine and Russia, because we need Russia."
.
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Not everyone shares Barnier's optimism about Russia. Spread across 11 time zones, the world's largest country by area has only 145 million inhabitants, a number that is steadily shrinking. High gas and oil prices have slowed the pace of economic reforms by filling state coffers, while President Vladimir Putin has implemented a string of measures that his critics say boost his own power and weaken democracy.
.
But France's interest in Russia is emblematic of the French vision of the world. In this view - not popular in Washington - Russia is one of several poles in global economics and politics, along with the United States, China, India and the European Union. France, conscious of its status as continental Europe's only nuclear power and permanent member of the United Nations Security Council, alongside Russia, paints itself as Russia's key strategic partner in Europe - a bridge to Moscow, Barnier said, as Britain is a bridge between the EU and Washington. "We have been a mediator for a long time" the minister said. "Our analysis of a lot of problems in the world is often similar."
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Charles De Gaulle courted the Soviet Union (while reportedly insisting on calling it Russia); more recently, the relationship intensified when both countries, along with Germany, opposed the Iraq war. Since then, the French and Russian prime ministers have held regular seminars, and presidential consultations have been frequent. The four foreign and defense ministers meet every six months for talks on the most pressing security questions of the day; no other country in the EU has such a bilateral security cooperation council with Russia.
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But some analysts caution that the exchange often lacks substance. "They've created a lot of infrastructure to talk, but they don't have that much to talk about," said Thomas Gomart, a Russia specialist at the Paris-based French Institute for International Relations. "It's a much less tangible relationship than that between Germany and Russia."
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Germany and Russia are drawn together by geography and economics: At the center of an enlarged EU, Berlin is Moscow's largest trading partner. French sales to Russia account for 4.1 percent of Russian imports, while Germany's make up 14.3 percent, according to figures from the French Finance Ministry.
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In addition, German-Russian relations have been tightened by a reportedly warm friendship between Chancellor Gerhard Schröder of Germany, who last year adopted a 3-year old Russian orphan, and Putin, who speaks fluent German and was the only leader invited to Schröder's 60th birthday celebration last year.
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Barnier's aides admit that President Jacques Chirac of France has no such closeness with Putin. But Russia, home to the world's largest natural gas reserves and a rapidly growing investment needs, is near the top of the list of 25 countries in which France wants to increase its economic presence. "We have big companies in industries that interest the Russians," Barnier said.
.
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Even if there is a tendency in Paris to overestimate France's importance in Russia, the relationship is valued on both sides. According to Ivan Safranchuk at the Moscow-based Center for Defense Information, Russians see Germans as competent and vital business partners, but they look to the French for partners on the world stage: "Germans are regarded as hardworking and efficient. But the French have strategic vision in the same way that Russians do."
.
«International Herald Tribune»
Monday, January 24, 2005
MOSCOW When Foreign Minister Michel Barnier of France cut the tricolor ribbon on a new building for the French high school here last week, much was made of the historical and cultural ties between Russia and France.
.
To the sound of the two national anthems, the 18th-century friendship between Catherine the Great and the French philosopher Denis Diderot, Russophile French writers like Alexandre Dumas and the tradition of French as the language of the elites in pre-revolution Russia were celebrated with generous doses of Champagne and nostalgia.
.
Romantic reminiscence has long been an integral part of French-Russian relations. But according to Barnier, the two countries share not only history, but also a future: Moscow, he said in an interview Friday, is one of his foreign-policy priorities.
.
"Look at the size of this country, which stretches from the heart of Europe to Asia, which has considerable natural resources and which plays an important role in regional and international affairs," he said. "It's no longer the Soviet Union, but it is still a global power."
.
Consciousness of Russia's importance played a large part in the French - indeed, the European and American - reaction to the recent crisis in Ukraine, which ended Sunday with the inauguration of Viktor Yushchenko as president. Barnier will visit Yushchenko later this week, after the Ukrainian leader makes his first foreign trip - to Moscow, on Monday.
.
"We want to tell the Ukrainians what I already told Poland last week: You have to respect Russia," he said. "We can't have tensions between Ukraine and Russia, because we need Russia."
.
.
Not everyone shares Barnier's optimism about Russia. Spread across 11 time zones, the world's largest country by area has only 145 million inhabitants, a number that is steadily shrinking. High gas and oil prices have slowed the pace of economic reforms by filling state coffers, while President Vladimir Putin has implemented a string of measures that his critics say boost his own power and weaken democracy.
.
But France's interest in Russia is emblematic of the French vision of the world. In this view - not popular in Washington - Russia is one of several poles in global economics and politics, along with the United States, China, India and the European Union. France, conscious of its status as continental Europe's only nuclear power and permanent member of the United Nations Security Council, alongside Russia, paints itself as Russia's key strategic partner in Europe - a bridge to Moscow, Barnier said, as Britain is a bridge between the EU and Washington. "We have been a mediator for a long time" the minister said. "Our analysis of a lot of problems in the world is often similar."
.
Charles De Gaulle courted the Soviet Union (while reportedly insisting on calling it Russia); more recently, the relationship intensified when both countries, along with Germany, opposed the Iraq war. Since then, the French and Russian prime ministers have held regular seminars, and presidential consultations have been frequent. The four foreign and defense ministers meet every six months for talks on the most pressing security questions of the day; no other country in the EU has such a bilateral security cooperation council with Russia.
.
But some analysts caution that the exchange often lacks substance. "They've created a lot of infrastructure to talk, but they don't have that much to talk about," said Thomas Gomart, a Russia specialist at the Paris-based French Institute for International Relations. "It's a much less tangible relationship than that between Germany and Russia."
.
Germany and Russia are drawn together by geography and economics: At the center of an enlarged EU, Berlin is Moscow's largest trading partner. French sales to Russia account for 4.1 percent of Russian imports, while Germany's make up 14.3 percent, according to figures from the French Finance Ministry.
.
In addition, German-Russian relations have been tightened by a reportedly warm friendship between Chancellor Gerhard Schröder of Germany, who last year adopted a 3-year old Russian orphan, and Putin, who speaks fluent German and was the only leader invited to Schröder's 60th birthday celebration last year.
.
Barnier's aides admit that President Jacques Chirac of France has no such closeness with Putin. But Russia, home to the world's largest natural gas reserves and a rapidly growing investment needs, is near the top of the list of 25 countries in which France wants to increase its economic presence. "We have big companies in industries that interest the Russians," Barnier said.
.
.
Even if there is a tendency in Paris to overestimate France's importance in Russia, the relationship is valued on both sides. According to Ivan Safranchuk at the Moscow-based Center for Defense Information, Russians see Germans as competent and vital business partners, but they look to the French for partners on the world stage: "Germans are regarded as hardworking and efficient. But the French have strategic vision in the same way that Russians do."
.
